Why don't the Sardinians rise up against Italy?

Sardinia: 200 years of attempts to modernize the economy and society

Part I The factor of modernization for the Sardinian

Autonomy Movements:

From the Savoyard rule to fascism

1. Modernization:

Following the example of Martin Clark, I will not examine the history of the Sardinian regionalism movements, but will focus on the long historical struggle against Sardinian backwardness. I believe that by describing the attempts to modernize the economy and society of Sardinia that began in the 18th century, I am getting closer to the identity of this region.1

2. The first failure of a modernization by the ruling house of Savoy

2.1. Sardinia is handed over to the House of Savoy

In the Treaty of London (1720), Austria gave the island of Sardinia to the Dukes of Savoy, who have since called themselves Kings of Sardinia, in exchange for the Kingdom of Sicily. The mainland part of the kingdom included Savoy, Piedmont and Nice2

2.2. In the 1720s: discovery of the “backwardness” of Sardinia

In 1720 Viktor Amadeus I (of Sardinia) ruled (1666-1732)3 from the House of Savoy, who recognized Sardinia's “incurable backwardness” in the 1720s. They located the source of the problems: "feudalism" and "rural society model". Feudalism meant that Spanish feudal lords had jurisdiction and collected their income through taxes (protected by the London Treaty of 1718 / Madrid). A circumstance that tied the hands of the House of Savoy in terms of changing Sardinian laws, customs and taxes. Reshaping society also proved difficult. The Sardinians presented themselves as a people of independent and stubborn ("bloody-minded")

Shepherds out who lived according to their own "bloody laws" (vendetta, banditry). They resisted any attempts at modernization.4

2.3. Agriculture versus cattle breeding: the historic leitmotif of Sardinian modernization

From the 1760s onwards, attempts were made to implement an alternative, European model of sedentary farmers who were supposed to farm on fenced property. At that time the prevailing opinion was that agriculture was preferable to sheep and animal breeding.5

This model of preference for agriculture will from then on become a leitmotif of the modernization of Sardinia. It is pursued beyond the 1830s through the abolition of feudalism, later continued by the fascists and finally even taken over by the Christian Democrats, who, however, also include industrial modernization.6

2.4. Modernization always came from outside

It is important to realize that this type of modernization was not undertaken on the Sardinian initiative. Almost all of the measures were devised by non-Sardinian outsiders. "" Modernization "has been imposed on Sardinia from outside, usually by" Northerners "who knew little about the island ..." (Clark p.82 lines 4-6).7

2.5. The Spanish Barons: Obstacles to Modernization

The modernization measures of the House of Savoy in the 18th century were hardly noticed by the Sardinians anyway. The enthusiasm of some enlightened Sardinians was even suppressed. The Piedmontese were not really interested in modernization at the time, as they did not want to shake the privileges of the Spanish barons, who were protected by the court in Madrid. In the 1790s, the rule of Savoy was increasingly associated with the feudal system. This meant that Piedmontese officials, including the viceroy, had to leave the island. At that time, “autonomy” mainly meant control over jobs in administration. However, this attempt failed a short time later.8

Danger! It was not about autonomy in the sense of self-determination, because Sardinia had this as an independent kingdom until 1847. It had its own laws and customs and was ruled by the House of Savoy (viceroy).9

3. Reforms of the 19th century: first serious attempts at modernization

3.1. Land Reforms: The Breaking Up of Feudalism

In the early 19th century, the first serious attempt at modernization was made by Carlo Felice (who was himself viceroy for a long time) and Carlo Alberto. He liked the Sardinians and got them jobs on the mainland. In 1820 a decree on fencing off land was passed. Feudalism was abolished in 1830. Measures followed later on church land and forests. Private farmers were given land, so that over half of the usable land was in private hands until 1849 and from 1860 over half of the rural population also owned land10

3.2. The failure of land reforms

However, the modernization was unsuccessful. The properties were too small to be useful and the principales [a form of kulaks (large farmers)] secured the best lands for themselves. The shepherds lost the low-lying pastureland and the feudal owners were compensated with cash. The result of the compensation measures was that from 1850 to 1870 taxes rose by a factor of 2.5. From 1870 to 1894, 50,000 properties were seized to pay off tax debts.

Another problem was that the art of farming was not mastered by the new owners. There was a lack of knowledge of how to organize machines, irrigation and insurance. Hence the land was leased to shepherds as the feudal previous owners did before them. Instead of reducing the amount of grazing land, the result was an increase; instead of reducing sheep farming, the reforms gave the impetus to expansion.11

3.3. Chaos: The Negative Consequences of Failure

This failure brought chaos. It manifested itself in the form of riots (such as in Nuoro in 1832), murder of new landowners, mayors and made banditry flourish. The privatization of the forests meant rapid clear-cutting that caused erosion and drought. Liberals from the mainland who hoped the land reforms would lead to the emergence of a small peasant class, or even a lower nobility, were disappointed. Instead, the rifts that had existed for decades between shepherds and settled farmers grew. It also meant that there was no elite of landowners as in Sicily and the southern mainland. The rural areas were ruled by "principales" who had large herds of livestock themselves. In addition, doctors and priests ruled12

4. The era of the "Risorgimento"

4.1. Hope for improvement through merger with the mainland

In the 1840s, however, there was a liberal, urban elite in the cities - consisting of judges, army officers, etc. - who were enthusiastic about liberal ideas and modernization. They wanted to raise Sardinia to the status of the continent (e.g. Giuseppe Manno). With these, the hope for improvement through the merger with the mainland in the course of the so-called "risorgimento" flourished.13

4.2. The reform phase

A phase of reforms began in 1846. After having carried out a series of reforms in the Papal States and thus encouraged liberal and democratic movements in the other Italian states to act. Under pressure from revolutionary unrest in various parts of Italy, some of the Italian states - Sardinia-Piedmont, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, Tuscany - were forced to adopt constitutions and adopt constitutional forms of government.14

4.3. Sardinia received a constitution after the revolution of 1848

After the revolution of 1848, Sardinia received a constitution. In 1847, the political unity of Sardinia with the continental territories of the House of Savoy was operated by the liberal elite. The merger came through in the fall as Carlo Alberto promised his subordinates on the mainland free press, free amalgamations, election of local governments, and so on.

Traders from Cagliari and Sassari hoped to become members of the new Italian customs league. New landowners hoped for "Carabinieri" from the mainland. Students hoped to find work on the mainland. The right to an independent kingdom was sold for modernization. Sardinia is annexed to Piedmont.15

4.4. Rebellions out of disappointment with the merger

But the enthusiasm of 1847 did not last long, because like the “modernization”, the “fusion” also turned out to be a failure. Sardinian grain could now be exported to the mainland, and since the prices there were higher for it, the Sardinian population soon went hungry. Riots broke out. Cavour became increasingly unpopular in Sardinia in the mid-1850s, when it became known that he had sold Sardinian timber and mining concessions, riots were common even in the more civilized parts of the island.16

5. Disappointment as the basis of Clark's typification

So, the attempt to modernize Sardinia by connecting it to the mainland failed. Clark describes this failure of modernization in the economy and society as the basis for typifying three main currents of the autonomy movement of the later years.

5.1. Type I: The “su connottu” movement

The sympathizers and members of this type were anti-Piedmontese and against modernization as such. They wanted to go back to their way of life determined by old values. Their catchphrase was "su connottu" (the known), it had to be restored and preserved. They organized unrest and uprisings, but were no longer taken seriously because their ideas no longer corresponded to the time and could, as they were mostly shepherds, be ignored or even put in the bandit corner. The shepherd society was doomed to its end, thought politicians of all camps. Giorgio Asproni accused the church of instigating the "su connottu" uprisings. The Shepherd Society resisted its demise, i.e. its modernization with success, since around the 1880s more and more farmers went bankrupt, more pastureland became available. It is important that this type never claimed political autonomy for Sardinia.17

5.2. Type II: The “alternative Sardinian” model of modernization

This type spoke clearly in the name of a political autonomy for Sardinia. Early in 1848, shortly after the merger with the mainland, the agitators of this movement fought for an independent Sardinian parliament because they considered uniform legislation to be catastrophic for the island. They proposed an alternative autonomous Sardinian model to advance the modernization of the island. A model that would have to be developed by the Sardinians themselves in order to protect Sardinian interests and to prevent the island from being exploited by strangers. The thinkers of this current went unheard for a long time. They lacked political and economic power and support.18

5.3. Type III "the pseudo-autonomous rhetorician"

This third type was mainly economic. He demanded autonomy in the orthodox-liberal sense. Modernization should not be slowed down by this type of autonomy, but accelerated. Ultimately, this type had at least a little influence, because his sympathizers were able to combine the demand for independence with other like-minded people from the south. Its economic nature is shown in the demand that the central state provide the money for public works and that this should then be distributed by local officials.

This form of autonomy is very ambiguous, as it does not aim at independence but is based on the dependence on funds from the central state.19

These thinkers did not have independence in the exclusive sense when they insisted on autonomy. They knew that Sardinia's resources were insufficient. The per capita income in 1901-3 was 856 lire, the lowest in Italy. But the money that was supposed to flow from the central state flowed very sparingly before the First World War and then finally broke off completely. In addition, the Sardinians still suffered from the "Tariff War" waged with France, which brought the economy in the north to collapse.20

6. The working of the 3 types of autonomy from the 1880s onwards

6.1. Loss of the 3rd type and revival of the first two types

The third type of autonomy had become obsolete, since no central government funds flowed, no modernization could be advanced. The dramatic situation on the island led to a revival of the first two types of autonomy in the 1880s.

6.2. Revival of the resistanceists and anachronists

The first type appeared in the form of the widespread idea of ​​resistance. He expressed himself in banditry and contributed to the romanticization of the Sardinian, which was beginning at that time, as the archetype of the resister who tried with all means to continue his traditional lifestyle and resisted every form of bourgeoisie.21

6.3. Type II renaissance due to the boom in the cheese market

The second type of “alternative Sardinian modernization model” also had a renaissance. Sheep farming flourished thanks to the French and American markets. The “Pecorino cheese” found huge sales in these countries. The number of sheep doubled between 1881 and 1908. The success of sheep-raising and the failure of agriculture were cited as evidence that the central government might be the obstacle to real modernization. For the first time it was evident that the Sardinians themselves could successfully direct their fate.22

The demand for an independent Sardinian modernization policy was underlined by the fact that a free trade statute was demanded for Sardinia. Sardinia should become a free port in the Mediterranean. Politically, however, these demands were made too quietly.23

7. Effects of the First World War on the autonomy debate

7.1. The “pastoral route” flourished due to war-related demand

The First World War led to the heyday of sheep breeding, as the unused land of absent farmers was available for sheep breeding and the work of the absent shepherd could easily be taken over by children. There was also a great demand for end products of sheep breeding, such as milk, meat, wool and leather for war. The “pastoral route” for the modernization of Sardinia was therefore fully taken.24

7.2. The army as a school of the nation, (here: region)

When 100,000 able-bodied men were drafted into the army during the war, Sardinians from all provinces met for the first time and learned more about their own culture than they would otherwise have been able to learn. The Sardinian brigades achieved legendary fame for their courageous and disciplined actions. The gap between shepherds and farmers has also narrowed. The life-threatening situations now experienced together welded them together.25

7.3. Political consequences of the sense of togetherness: loyalties and resentments

The newly formed Sardinian social group has strong loyalties, but also strong resentments. The loyalties were not only Sardinian in nature, the officers in particular also had patriotic Italian rhetoric. The resentments were directed at the so-called "imboscati", by which one understood work-shy social parasites. There was further resentment against the long ruling liberal political caste.

7.4. Demands for preferential treatment of the Sardinians

Officers who emerged from the war as heroes enjoyed great political support from the population. They tried to replace the old cadre of the "Giolittian Liberals" in order to then make demands on the central state, which provided for a new way of dealing with the Sardinians. The desire for special treatment of the island grew out of the heroic deeds of the Sardinian brigades during the war. For the first time the Sardinians were able to proclaim that they were special, and in a positive sense. Thereupon Prime Minister Orlando made the following concession in 1918: “Italy has contracted a huge debt of gratitude towards the noble island; it has a duty to pay this dept, and will do so ”(quoted from Clark p.88, lines 20-22).26

7.5. Classification of the "Partito sardo di Azione"

In 1921 the veterans' movement formed its own party: the "Sardinian Party of Action". This is certified by Clark to be a "happy fusion" of his two latter types of autonomy. They openly advocated an independent administration of Sardinian resources and the pastoral route in the modernization process, as well as a reward for Sardinia for brave military service through central funds. She agreed on this combination of demands for a number of years, especially after the party's split in 1923 and its transformation into the small Sardinian fascist party. After she went over to fascism, she took over the government in Sardinia a short time later and secured the expected reward from a grateful Mussolini.27

8. Autonomy during the fascist era

8.1.The autonomous government of the "sardo fascisti" from around 1923

Mussolini was indebted to the Sardinians. His populist rhetoric went so far that he remarked that if he were not "romangnolo" he would wish to be a Sardinian. After the fascists came to power, he made a billion lire available to Sardinia. A really autonomous administration by the "sardo-fascisti" began. However, this fact could not be spoken of openly.28

8.2. The end of the autonomous government of the "sardo fascisti" from 1928

The policy of pursuing the “pastoral route” in the modernization of Sardinia by the “sardo-fascisti” was, however, in competition with the “grain war” that Mussolini pursued. In addition, the depreciation of the lira against the pound sterling made cheese exports difficult. The central government dismissed the leader of the "sardo-fascisti" and went back to traditional modernization towards agriculture. Numerous measures were set in motion from 1928 to promote agriculture. Any autonomy movement no longer existed, except for the first type, which from now on was fought as banditry.29

Part II The missed “real” autonomy and the consequences of the pseudo-autonomy from 1948

1. Why did the Sardinians miss their autonomy 1945-6

In the internet archive of a Sardinian newspaper I found the following article: 01-04-99 Fifty Years of Missed Autonomy

Content: Fifty years of missed autonomy. Birthday of the “Statuto della

Regione sarda ”. The fiftieth anniversary of the proclamation of the Statute is truly not an occasion to celebrate this event, but rather the moment of proper analysis of the state of autonomy. (amOristano.)30

2. Rejection of an offer of real autonomy

In 1945/46, even before the council had met to draft a new Italian constitution, Sicily made a push towards autonomy. They drew up a regional statute by giving themselves exclusive legislative powers over a wide range of subjects. In May 1946 they persuaded the De Gasperi government to approve it and pass it by decree. The “Sardinian Consultative Council” could have extended the same text to Sardinia, but proudly and unanimously rejected it.31

3. Why the rejection of the Sicilian model statute?

Partly because they refused to obtain autonomy through a royal decree, partly because they believed that a Sardinian statute should not simply be adopted and should have a clear Sardinian signature. So they declined to take the time to discuss the content of the statute. The fact is that the Sicilian model would have meant real autonomy and the chance to take advantage of this was wasted.32

4. No strengthening of the we-feeling and no new elite

Sardinia was relatively spared by the Second World War. This did not give it the experience of resistance or civil war. A repetition of the welded-together situation as in the First World War did not take place. No new heroic elite was formed with a strong emotional feeling to represent Sardinia in the union of states and to demand more rights and an autonomous government. Instead, an old elite rose from its shadow and was happy to have a say in the Constituent Council on a new constitution. They installed Pietro Pinna as "high commissioner" who ruled the island. He did this almost autonomously from 1943-49, as Sardinia was virtually cut off from the mainland at that time.33

5. No desire for autonomy

From 1943 to 45 there was in fact real autonomy, but few Sardinian politicians welcomed this fact. Almost all politicians were closely associated with their mainland mother party. The anti-fascist core of the Sardinian Party of Action tended towards a federal state system. Liberals, socialists and communists, on the other hand, wanted a centralized state. The left did this because they believed they would otherwise be excluded from the impending revolution. Palmiro Togliatti, general secretary of the mainland communists, nevertheless forced the reluctant Sardinian communists to accept a certain degree of autonomy. Whereupon they reinterpreted the term. For them, autonomy was the end of the exploitation of Sardinia by the mainland and the local agrarian caste. In other words, they saw autonomy as “regionalization”, a kind of mini-nationalization of island industry and “big landed estates”.34

6. The moderate concept of autonomy of the Christian Democrats

With little enthusiasm, the Christian Democrats put forward an autonomy plan that came closest to the third type of autonomy after Clark. They were the heirs of the fascist modernization policy. They wanted to push through land reforms and agricultural subsidies, considered sheep breeding to be out of date and thus won the approval and support of large sections of the farmers. The Christian Democrats stood for special laws for Sardinia, but with regional distribution of support. They were successful with their concept of autonomy, not because Sardinia was putting pressure on the central government, but because the Christian Democrats were very strong nationally.35

7. 1948 Sardinia autonomous region against the will of the older politicians

Sardinia becomes an autonomous region in 1948. This happens in the total absence of emotional nationalism or feelings of identity. It is different in Sicily, where a class of landowners defended economic, political and cultural power. This class was absent from Sardinia, as was a squad of strong national leaders such as the First World War had produced.36

8. Content of the Sardinian Statute of 1948

On April 29th, the Sardinian Constituent Council adopted a draft that was submitted to the National Council for the preparation of a constitution. For the most part, it was a Christian Democratic scheme. It provided for limited legislative autonomy, without exclusive legislative powers over economic decisions, and no control over education or culture. However, the template was not adopted by the national council, but revised and further trimmed. And adopted on January 28 and 29, 1948. Since the statute was enshrined in the Italian constitution of February 26, 1948, modifications were faced with high hurdles. This problem continues to the present day.37

9. National laws overshadow powers of the statute

The powers of the Sardinian regional parliament include the following areas: agriculture and forestry, tourism, handicrafts and handicrafts, regional public works, minor land improvement schemes, as well as the allocation of water, mines, etc. However, when making decisions in these areas, national interests always had to be considered and what national interests are determined by the central government. So the legislative powers can be called relative rather than exclusive, as Sicily had them.38

10. Apparent autonomy and dependency

The fact that almost every Sardinian law could somehow be modified by the central state on the basis of national interests and that Sardinia was absolutely dependent on the central state makes the word pseudo-autonomy seem apt. Because autonomy in Sardinia did not mean self-government, but was solely the demand for special laws and subsidies for the modernization of the island was decisive for the rhetoric of autonomy.39

In 1960, 98% of the island's income came from the mainland. For the most part, however, this money was not used to modernize the island, but to reward clients of the Christian Democratic Party.40

11. The modernization of agriculture fails

Although 45,000 hectares of land were expropriated through land reform and the old fascist improvement policy was adopted, not much could be changed about the Sardinian problem of the severe fragmentation of the land. Agriculture did not achieve any noteworthy success. In the 1960s, 200,000 hectares of land were no longer cultivated. Fruits and fruit were even imported.41

12. Irony: Sheep farming flourished again

When things looked bad again in agriculture, despite numerous high subsidies, the number of sheep jumped again: from 2.1 million in 1970 to 3 million in 1980. Agriculture, which had been trusted by politicians for decades and was heavily subsidized, had against theirs primitive enemy lost sheep breeding.42

13. Industrial modernization: "Cathedrals in the desert"

In June 1962 a 12 year plan was launched to build up industry and high technology in southern Italy. The industrial buildings were only job machines as long as they were built on them. After completion, the workload for commissioning was low and so only a few long-term jobs were created, but all the more pollution was produced.43

Part III The identity factors language and culture or

The emergence of nationalist “neo-sardismo” in the late 1960s

1. The openly nationalistic "neo-sardismo"

2. The identity factor language

The summary of pages 31 to 48 from the book Sprachkontakt auf Sardinien should serve as a short introduction, which should give a rough overview of the Sardinian language:

There are 11 linguistic minorities on Italian territory, only 4 of which are officially recognized. With around 1.6 million speakers, the Sardinians are the largest unrecognized minority in Italy. This national minority, however, has a pronounced linguistic awareness and also asserts this in the form of political demands on the Italian state. Sardinian is spoken by around 80% of the population on the island, but the guarantees of the Italian constitution, which provide for the protection of linguistic minorities, only apply to the French minority in the Aosta Valley, to the German and Ladin minorities in South Tyrol and to the Slovenian minority Minority in Trieste application. The Sardinians have a special statute, but this is limited to economic and social issues, as the Sardinians failed to introduce their claims as an ethnic-linguistic minority into the special statute in 1948. In 1971 the University of Cagliari issued a resolution demanding that Sardinian be recognized as the national language of the Sardinian minority. It should be equated with Italian, i.e. the language of administration, teaching and culture.

Modern linguistics is still concerned with classifying Sardinian in a language group; the question arises whether it is a language or a dialect. Although Sardinian is a structurally independent variety, it is not a language in the sense of a literary or codified standard language, and it also has no political independence.

A number of dialects can be summarized under the term Sardinian, whereby there are four larger varieties: Logudorese, Campidanese, Gallurese and Sassarese. Sardinian could also be described as a cultural dialect, that is, as a language without a covered standard form, which is split up into regional language variants, but also as the language of the transition zone between Western and Eastern Romania.

Logudorese is spoken on the northern half of the island, it is considered the Sardinian "par excellence", whereas Campidanese occupies the entire southern half of the island. The two dialects Gallurese and Sassarese are spoken in the far north, they are heavily overlaid by Italian. The discussion about the position of Sardinian has been going on for a long time, once it was subordinated to Italian (cf. Diez, F., Grammar of Romance Languages. Three parts in one volume. Bonn, Weber 1882), then it got his again own place (cf. Ascoli, I. L 'Italia dialettale. In: Archivio Glottologico Italiano, VIII, 1882 - 1885, pp. 98 - 128). Meyer-Lübke also assigns Sardinian to Italian in his Italian grammar.

Due to the changeable political and historical circumstances, Sardinian turned towards both the Iberian and the Italian-speaking area. Although it is closest to Italian, it differs from it in a way that corresponds to the distance between Italian and Spanish.

Despite the language renaissance that occurred in the 1970s and 1980s, there does not seem to be any official language regulation in sight.

Rindler - Schjerve, Rosita, language contact in Sardinia: sociolinguistic studies of language change in rural areas. Tübingen, Narr 1987

3. Folklore societies


1 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996 p.81 lines 1-6

2 "Sardinia, Kingdom,"Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2000. © 1993-1999 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.

3 "Viktor Amadeus I (of Sardinia),"Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2000. © 1993-1999 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.

4 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996 pp. 81 lines 8-15

5 ibid. p.81 lines 23-26

6 ibid. page 81 lines 27ff - page 82 lines 1-3

7 ibid. p.82 lines 3-7

8 ibid. p. 82 lines 8-28

9 ibid. p. 82 lines 28-32

10 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996 p.82 lines 33-42

11 ibid. p.82 Z42ff - S83 Z.1-13

12 P.83 Z13-28

13 P.83 lines 29-36

14 "Risorgimento,"Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2000. © 1993-1999 Microsoft Corporation.

15 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996 p.83 line 40ff - p.84 line 1-16

16 ibid. p.84 lines 17-31

17 ibid. p.84 lines 32ff - page 85 lines 1-17

18 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996 pp. 85 lines 18-31

19 ibid. page 85 lines 32ff - page 86 lines 1-12

20 ibid. p. 86 lines 13-17

21 ibid. p. 86 lines 29-38

22 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996 p.86 lines 39ff - page 87 lines 1-11

23 ibid. p.87 lines 11-15

24 ibid. p.87 lines 31-36

25 ibid. page 87 lines 36ff - page 88 lines 1-8

26 ibid. p. 88 lines 13-25

27 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996. pp. 88 lines 26-43

28 ibid. p. 88 lines 43 - 89 lines 1-5

29 ibid. p. 89 lines 5-17

30 http://www.unionesarda.it/unione/servizi/copie.htm

31 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996; P.91 lines 15-21

32 ibid. page 91 lines 21-28

33 ibid. p. 89 lines 18-26

34 ibid. page 89 lines 27ff - page 90 lines 1-3

35 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996; Page 90 lines 4-13

36 ibid. p.90 Z19ff - p.91 Z.1-14

37 ibid. page 91 lines 42ff - page 92 lines 1-26

38 ibid. p.92 lines 27-39

39 ibid. p.93 lines 20-35

40 ibid. p.93 line 35-ff - p.94 line 1

4141 Maritin Clark: "Sardinia: Cheese and Modernization" in Carl Levy: "Italian Regionalism"; Oxford, Washington D.C., 1996 ,. Page 94 lines 1-8 and lines 14-19

42 ibid. page 94 lines 22-29

43 ibid. page 94 lines 30ff - page 95 lines 1-30